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TO THE FRIENDS OF THE UNION 



It is now fully demonstrated, ^tliat to tliis State, at the 
approaching Election, are committed the destinies of our 
common country. Emphatically, as the State of New York 
shall go, so will go the Union. 

; Governor Morgan, of this State, has declared that Lin- 
coln "is already elected," and that what remains to be 
done, in the deliberate voting of the people of this State, is 
but a formal act, to execute an irrevocable Republican 
decree. 

This proclamation of triumpii by the Governor of the 
State of New York lias produced a profound impression 
tfiroughout the whole country. 

We lind the peoi)lc of the Southern States of the con- 
federacv alreadv in a condition of alarm and intense excite- 



•"H IIIH 



nieiit tlio Ijusincss relations between tlic two sections of 
the Union at once almost entirely arrested, and a condition 
of feeling produced among our brethren of the South cal- 
culated to excite the gravest apprehensions as to the con- 
sequences, in the minds of all reflecting citizens, who trea- 
sure the welfare of their country. 

AVliile we discover at the North a powerful political 
party celebrating an anticipated victory which will give 
them possession of the Federal Government, we find the 
entire People of the South filled with gloom and dismay, in 
contemplation of the bare possibility of such a triumph. 



This is a spectacle which cannot be lightly considered. 
In every view, it betokens peril, and indicates the necessity 
for deliberate and serious counsel, ere it be too late. Can 
we risk the conserpiences of such a victory ? 

)Ve do not intend to exaggerate the difficulties and evils 
which are upon us ; we desire simply to present the question 
which cannot be avoided, and must be solved, in its true 
light, that if there be any who have not considered it in all 
its magnitude, reflection may come in time. 

The doctrines of the Republican party, and the principles 
upon which Mr. Lincoln, if elected, Avill seek to administer 
the govcriimoiit, are oi)cn and avowed- there is no conceal- 
ment, and IK) room for (h)iibl. 

In the Congress of the United States, and IVum tlie ros- 



trum iu every city and village of the North, the leaders of 
the Republican Party have for years held toward the People 
of the South, the language of hostility and irritation, 
■while their declared principles have been aggressively antag- 
onistic to the rights, interests, and feelings of that entire 
section of our Country. 

With this condition of feeling and of principle, it is in- 
evitable, that if the Republicans conquer in this contest, the 
South will be wholly without representation in the executive 
branch of the general government. We shall not stop to 
enter into any argument to show to what logical consequences 
tlie doctrine of tlic " irrepressible conflict " leads, nor to 
dwell upon tlie Republican principle of " all slave or all 
free" — they are as palpable as the maxims of the " higher 
law," and have been too often expounded by their authors, 
to require elaboration or comment. They arc principles 
which point with destroying hand, in but one direction. 

Our Union was founded in a patriotic spirit of conciliation 
and concord, and upon wise principles of compromise and 
concession — Justice, Equality and Fraternity Avere then the 
watchwords of national unity. 

Let us ask the question, if that great work were to be 
now performed, could it be eifectcd upon the principles, and 
in the spirit which are manifested by the "Republicans" of 
to day? Is not this an instructive test of the danger with 
which we are menaced.^ 

The Republicans declare in view of the events which snr- 




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round their expected success, tliat " submission " shall be 
enforced. Can there be such a thing- as a conquered submis- 
sion by one half of a Republican government, against the other 
resisting i)ortion ? Is it not the argument of destruction ? 

If the time shall ever arrive when that calamitous neces- 
sity is presented. Avhere shall be the end .-' To which section 
will be the victory, and liow shall the conquest lie main- 
tained i 

These are considerations whicli now force themselves upon 
the public mind— they are the thoughts of this hour — this 
time of trial and danger, and must be met and answered. 

Sluill the extremity be reached, when it is in the power 
of the people of this State to extend the hand of protection 
to their threatened brethren of the South, and to proclaim 
that fanaticism, aggression and wrong, shall never be per- 
mitted to make war against those with whom we are allied 
in terms of amity, peace and fraternity .** Arc we prepared 
to have tlie prosperity and welf\ire of tlic whole country 
placed in jeopardy, while we hold the means of assured 
safety within our grasp ? Can our patriotic men hesitate in 
their answer ! J.ei but tliis ])criod of danger be passed, 
and our country Avill be anchored in safety — and Slavery 
agitation will never again be found an element of threat- 
ened peiil to our existence as a united i)eople. Perpetual 
peace will be the enduring reward if we now succeed. 
Hut, if this conHiet be pushed to the last extremity, who 
fiiii e-.tjiiiul(> the consequenees .'' 



Wc feel asr^urcd that the people of this State Mill ri.-^e to 
the emeniency, and prove themselves equal to the duty 
which has devolved ui)oii thein. We are justified in (h'- 
claring that tlie annouuceuient of the Executive at Albany 
is without warrant from the Electors of this State, and thai 
tiiey will cast their votes regardless of the proclamation of 
the Governor, on tlie side of the Union, and on belmlf of the 
constitutional riglits of every section of our eountry. 

Determined and vigorous organization is going on in 
every county and district of the State, and we have thi; 
most cheering accounts of good work Ijcing done by tlie 
National men of New York everywhere within our borders, 
from the Lakes to the Ocean, clearly iudieatinii' that, 
if we will but labor to the end, the coming Election will be 
crowned witli a triumphant victory to our cause. The 
UNION upon our Electoral Ticket is pei-fee1, unbroken and 
unchangeable. 

This ^leat. comniticlul ciLy, t:-uo to the interest and duty 
which it owes to the union of the States, which is tin* 
foundation of its growth, its power and its prosperity, will 
give an overwhelming vote against Lincoln and Republi- 
canism. This State has ever been conservative and loyal 
to the Union. Neio York has never yet given a majority on 
the whole vote in favor of ru'piiblicunisin, and we firiidy Ijc- 
lieve she never will. 

At the la Presidential Election, this State gave a com- 
bined vote ao'ainst the Republican candidate of :VJO,KS-->, 



I 



mn 



wliilc Fremont received but 27G,000, sliowiiig- a Conserva- 
tive majority of nearly 45.000. 

In 1858, tlie united vote against Morgan, for Governor, 
was 291,393, while the latter polled but 247,953 votes, 
yielding a majority against him, if the A'ote had been con- 
centrated, of 43,400. 

At the election of last year, the Democratic candi(h»tc lor 
Secretary of State, uniting the opposition vote, was elected 
over the Republican candidate. 

Although the Union majority on that occasion was not as 
great as at the previous election, the returns show that the 
deficiency arose wholly from the want of sufficient interest 
at this end of the State to bring out a full vote. To prove 
this:— in 185G, the condjined Union vote in the Counties of 
New York and Kings was 84,G56, against 25,017 for Fre- 
mont—showing a Union majority of 59,039 votes, while the 
r.ffgregate Union vote last year in these two counties was 
but ;)i,!'04. without anv sensible increase to the Rt'iiublican 
vole", jiroving that nearly 35,000 Union voters rcnuiined 
away from the jiolls, as compared with 1850. 

Since 1850 the number of Voters in these two Counties 
lias iii(;rea>cd at Ica.'^t oiic-lliird, preserving tlie like ratio 
against the Republicans. It must therefore be obvious tliat 
New York and Kings Counties have but to do their duty to 
give a Majority of over 00,(100 Votes! in favor of the 
Cnion Kledoial 'ricket, a majority moic than sullieient to 
trimii|ilinnlly overcome llic Ke|iubli(ans in the State. 



Arc we not tliercrure jiistilicd in cuuiisclliiiij,' lio[)C and in 
pj-oniisinti; victory ? 

Union Men of New York : 

The prosperity, safety and luiity of the States of this con- 
federacy are in danger. It is in your power to overcome the 
enemy, and to conquer a peace for the whole country. Let 
it go forth to the world that you are at your posts, ready 
for action — and that the Empire State will prove herself, 
when the hour of trial is at hand, a protecting shield against 
sectionalism and aggression, and the Citadel of the Union ! 



CHAELES O'CONOR, 

SAMUEL F. BUTTERWORTI 

EDWIN CROSWELL, 

HENRY GRINNELL, 

S. L. M. BARLOW, 

WILSON G. HUNT, 

SAMUEL J. TILDEN, V Commiltee. 

PETER B. SWEENY, / 

DANIEL F. TIEMANN, 

JAMES MUNROE, 

DANIEL DEVLIN, 

ANDREW MOUNT, 

CHARLES A. SECOR, 

JOSHUA J. HENRY, Chairman. 

JEHIAL READ, Secrefarjj. 



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